From diesel hikes to human rights: the Indigenous movement challenges Noboa’s heavy-handed rule
In some European countries, a monarch with a symbolic role has occasionally served to restore order when the government strays from its core principles. In Ecuador, that role is played by the country’s Indigenous peoples.
Since the early 1990s, when Ecuador’s Indigenous movement organized itself nationally, its members have taken to the streets whenever certain red lines are crossed. Meanwhile, the majority of citizens watch—and approve—from their homes as governments subservient to global financial capital or grotesquely corrupt are brought down.
Para leer esta historia en Español ir a Ecuador: los pueblos originarios al rescate
Historically, Indigenous-led strikes have commanded respect from Ecuadorian governments. The two right-wing administrations preceding Noboa’s both faced Indigenous protests and managed them with restraint. But in the current national strike, Noboa has unleashed a repressive apparatus unprecedented in Ecuador’s recent history: soldiers firing on civilians, at least one protester dead and an undetermined number injured in the strike’s first week, frozen bank accounts of Indigenous leaders and environmental activists, and terrorism charges filed against peaceful organizers with no criminal records. Dozens of protesters are jailed each day of the strike. Worse still—and acknowledged even by the government itself—detainees are being arbitrarily sent to Esmeraldas prison, currently one of the country’s most dangerous.
Amid the strike, Army Commander Gen. Iván Vásconez was removed from his post by presidential decree. Some independent outlets have suggested that his dismissal may have been linked to orders to fire on civilians, but this claim has not been corroborated by official sources or mainstream media. What is clear is that under Noboa—who prides himself on being a “ruthless enemy”—a climate of repression and persecution has taken hold, with state institutions increasingly used to silence dissenting voices.
This national mobilization is not solely about the diesel price hike—though Noboa had promised during his campaign not to raise it. When it became public that this measure was demanded by international financial institutions, it became clear that Noboa serves not Ecuadorians’ interests, but those of global finance.
His recent statements during a visit to Israel—where he claimed that “Ecuador and Israel share the same enemies”—reveal his true stance. It is a disgrace for a country that, until just a few years ago, was a beacon of peace and progressive legislation. When Noboa won his first election two years ago, many hoped he might at least restore security to the nation. Yet the situation today is worse than it was then.
Popular Discontent with Noboa’s Government
The patience typically afforded a new leader has run out. Having seized control of every branch of power—including the media—the once-common argument that “they won’t let him govern” now rings hollow in the collective consciousness of those who once believed Noboa would be “Ecuador’s Bukele.”
Criticism now comes from the most diverse quarters. Jaime Nebot, a leader of Ecuador’s political right and former mayor who transformed Guayaquil into a modern city, accuses the government of prioritizing foreign debt payments over the country’s urgent needs.
Indigenous communities are outraged because they accuse Noboa of submitting to global banking demands and repeating policies designed to keep Latin American countries in a state of dependency. They also condemn his unconditional support for extractivism.
A national referendum was already held to ask citizens whether the state should continue oil extraction in Yasuní National Park—and the answer was a resounding “no.” Yet Noboa has pressed ahead with drilling. Another local referendum, this time in Cuenca canton, asked residents whether they approved mining in their territory, and the response was an overwhelming “no.” Nevertheless, Noboa has persisted with mining projects in El Cajas National Park.
These are two clear examples of how Noboa blatantly disregards popular will.
Noboa’s Constitution
Now, the government is pushing for a new Constitution, claiming that current laws make it impossible to supress crime. Yet this argument is plainly false: under Correa’s administration, Ecuador’s homicide rates dropped to levels comparable to those of Uruguay or Costa Rica… under the very same Constitution.
Correa’s public safety strategy relied on administrative coordination: he created inter-institutional task forces to align security efforts and established a Ministry of Justice tasked with monitoring every single police complaint to ensure that the police and the judges functioned properly—that is, to prevent them from being bought off by criminals.
The 2008 Constitution was deeply influenced by Indigenous worldviews: it recognized the rights of nature, enshrined food sovereignty, protected medical freedom, mandated prior consultation for extractive projects affecting rural communities, and—though controversial for allegedly overstepping into legislative territory—banned genetically modified crops in Ecuador.
Although many call it “Correa’s Constitution,” it was never fully aligned with his government. Tensions between his policies and constitutional mandates led Correa into conflict with environmental and Indigenous movements. His administration failed to uphold key principles like food sovereignty and the rights of nature. While his government also persecuted social leaders, such actions pale in comparison to Noboa’s abuses of power and institutional breakdowns. Not even South America’s worst dictators invaded embassies, as when Noboa invaded Mexico’s embassy last year to capture a political enemy.
Yes, the current constitution could be improved, given the severe crisis of drug trafficking and insecurity gripping the country. But I deeply doubt that the political group now governing Ecuador is capable of carrying out such a task responsibly.
Across all sectors, there is a growing perception that Noboa governs to benefit his business empire and curry favor with global powers. He runs the country on autopilot through media manipulation, political persecution, and the buying of consciences.
And the saddest part is that there are still people who believe in him.
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